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The UN’s Broken System Fuels War in Gaza

Hafsa Arslan | Middle East Fellow

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Image sourced from Mathias Reding via Unsplash.


To date, 54,510 Palestinians have been killed amid Israel’s genocidal war in Gaza. 1.9 million people, equivalent to 90 per cent of the population, have been displaced. Civilians have been fired upon while seeking humanitarian aid from distribution sites. And yet, the UN wonders whether the horror constitutes war crimes.


Historically, the UN has repeatedly chosen power over people due to structural indictment, prioritising the interests of its dominant permanent Security Council (UNSC) members. The UN’s inability to meet global ceasefire demands accentuates the ineffectiveness of its structural design. If it is to uphold its foundational pillars of peace, justice, and the protection of civilians, and to facilitate a more democratic representation of its member states, the UN must urgently undergo structural reform.

 

Structural Deficiencies

The efficacy of the UN’s governing bodies remains undermined by an imbalance of power. In it General Assembly (UNGA), all 193 Member States, including the 15 members of the UNSC, hold one equal vote. However, the five permanent members of the UNSC (France, Russia, China, the United States (US), and the United Kingdom (UK)) have the power to veto resolutions and cripple the will of the state majority, thereby maintaining their military and economic dominance. A single veto vote prevents the UN from authorising military intervention, arguably, when the world needs it most.


The US has wielded its veto power 53 times to block resolutions against Israel’s war crimes over 50 years, four of which have occurred since October 2023. The vetoes have prevented calls for an “immediate, unconditional and permanent” ceasefire, despite immense support from Member States. In December 2023, 153 states voted in favour, with the US and Russia abstaining, to secure humanitarian aid to Gaza. However, without US and Russian votes, the resolution lacked enforcement mechanisms and, concerningly, a lethal strike in Rafah was launched in a designated “safe zone” in response.

 

The unchecked veto power of the UNSC members, specifically the US, to selfishly manipulate resolutions has allowed the war in Gaza to evolve into a genocide. The UN’s failure to intervene is not a ripple effect of bad democratic luck, but rather of a flawed institutional structure that must urgently rebalance its decision-making entities – not only for the sake of Gaza, but the entire Middle East.

 

Regional Repercussions

The UN’s structural failures have repeatedly wreaked havoc upon the broader Middle East by undermining regional peace efforts. For instance, a deadly 2023 earthquake in north-west Syria sparked an impartial cross-border resolution to deliver humanitarian aid to over 4 million people. However, it was blocked by Russia and China due to geopolitical disputes, mimicking the political deadlock seen in Gaza.


Similarly, Yemen’s economic and humanitarian crisis has been subject to arms sales by UNSC members to opposing parties. The conflicting interests of the permanent members prevented the UN from acting impartially, which prevented the enforcement of sanctions and caused delays in interventions. Such political deadlock further exacerbated the crisis by obstructing humanitarian aid and detaining humanitarian workers.


These regional examples showcase the UN’s selective geopolitical. Such diplomatic deadlock has signalled to the Middle East where the organisation’s priorities lie – in the hands of the overbearing UNSC members. The UN’s response to Gaza is not an isolated failure, but rather one of many regional betrayals by the structurally inept entity.


Overdue Structural Reformation

The UN and its Charter must undergo structural reform to create a democratic balance of power among its Member States and enable timely and effective resolutions in response to humanitarian crises. The current distribution of power has not only hindered the UN in its mission to maintain international peace and security, but also allowed it to be catapulted into history’s most documented genocide. 


There are several methods through which the necessary UN structural reform may be achieved – the first of which concerns its Charter. This living document formulates the UN’s core mission statement, but has failed to evolve within the modern global climate. Article 109(3) allows Member States to authorise a General Conference (GC) to amend the Charter, which, if actioned, could equitably redistribute power among the Member States. It would further ensure that decisions made by the UNSC reflect majority interests and actively reinforce peace, accountability and transparency.


Moreover, the UNSC must evolve to become more equitably and geopolitically representative. African nations and underrepresented Global South countries must be afforded permanent UNSC membership to ensure appropriate regional representation – reform which has been demanded since 2018 by the African Group, China, France, and Germany. However, universal limitations upon veto power must accompany this expansion, or existing permanent members will continue to unilaterally block resolutions that perpetuate structural paralysis.  


Finally, the current UN Office of Internal Oversight Services (OIOS) lacks the resources, independence and public confidence needed to monitor operations effectively, acting as more of a lapdog than a watchdog. Strengthening accountability must begin with granting the OIOS operational independence and a capacity for regular, transparent public reporting. Consequently, Member States can be held to higher and stricter standards.


Time to Act

The war in Gaza has unveiled the rooted structural flaws of the UN that allow geopolitical power to override peaceful resolutions to humanitarian crises. Millions have been left vulnerable by the political paralysis of the UNSC, degrading its moral authority. Only through structural amendments rooted in equity, accountability and democratic participation can this be restored, and countless lives protected.



Hafsa Arslan is the Middle East Fellow for Young Australians in International Affairs. She is a final-year Curtin University student, pursuing a Bachelor of Commerce (Honours) in Economics and a Post-graduate Diploma in International Security. She is a two-time New Colombo Plan scholar, having completed an internship in South Korea in early 2025 and a study tour in Japan, focusing on the intersection of economic and geopolitical dynamics in the Asia-Pacific.


With her lived experience across the Indo-Pacific, particularly the Middle East, Hafsa has developed a strong interest in the region’s political and cultural landscape, exploring its complexity separate from its mainstream identity. Through this fellowship, she aims to combine her passion for cultural nuance and equity-driven policy discourse to create diverse perspectives for the region.

 
 
 

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